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Nigeria: Experts Pick Holes in Procurement Process


This Day

By James Emejo

 Say absence of  governing council violates enabling act.

Renewed controversies have trailed the continued existence of the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) without the proposed National Council on Public Procurement (NCPP) which ought to endorse the former’s activities as provided by the Public Procurement Act 2007.

Prof. Paul Idornigie of the Nigeria Institute of Advanced Legal Studies told THISDAY that one of the objectives of the BPP in ensuring probity, accountability and transparency in the procurement process is in doubt because the NCPP is yet to be established as required by the Act which also gave life to the Bureau.

Speaking on new issues of transparency and access to information in the public and private sectors at a one-day seminar themed: “Emerging Issues on Good Governance in Nigeria” which was organised by the Institute of Chartered Secretaries and Administration of Nigeria (ICSAN) Abuja Chapter, he also carpeted the Federal Executive Council (FEC) for allegedly usurping the function of the NCPP by approving and awarding contracts at its weekly meetings.

He said the BPP could not be said to be observing good governance in its operations when the NCPP which is supposed to vet its activities is yet to be created as prescribed by law.

He further chided members of the National Assembly for being pre-occupied with frivolous oversight functions and not ensuring that laws passed are actually implemented to the letter.

The professor said:”I am actually worried about the effect on contracts being awarded by the Federal Executive Council on this issue. I won’t use the word illegal; all I’m saying is that the National Assembly members are here: if they believe that they don’t need the National Council on Procurement, they should amend the law. But we cannot have a law that provides for NCPP and since 2007, the council has not been established.”

He said:”I have a challenge with the public procurement act when talking about transparency; this was a law passed to ensure transparency and accountability. Now this law was passed in 2007 but as we speak, we’ve not had a National Council on Public Procurement and yet, we have the Bureau of Public Procurement which ought to take directives from the Council.

“All the thresholds being observed in the ministries, departments and agencies of government are determined by the BPP but the Bureau needs the approval of the National Council on Privatisation to do this.
“How do you run a system where the law provides that there should be a council and all we see every Wednesday is that the work that ought to be done by this council is being taken by the Federal Executive Council. Is that transparency?”

According to Idornigie:”If the government feels we don’t need the National Council on Public Procurement, let them amend the law to provide that it is the FEC that would play this role. One of the objectives of the BPP is to ensure probity, accountability and transparency in the procurement process. Now how can BPP do this when it has no council?”

He added that though the governing council for public procurement had not been set up, yet the BPP had been issuing financial thresholds, stressing that “the whole public procurement act made no reference to the FEC and yet, it is the FEC that approves matters which ought to be approved by the National Council on Public Procurement.”

In the same vein, Chairman, ICSAN, Abuja Chapter, Mrs. Stella Anukam, said there were several laws which had been enacted by the National Assembly but yet to be implemented.
She said:”When it comes to implementation, you would be shocked. The public procurement act is one and if the major body set up to ensure the implementation of that act since 2007 is yet to be in place I think we should begin to worry.”

Anukam, however, said ICSAN would convey the summit resolutions on issues raised to relevant authorities and press for concrete action.

Meanwhile, speaking while declaring the seminar open, Minister for Information, Mr. Labaran Maku, warned of severe consequence in neglecting good governance which he described as necessary for redeeming the country’s battered image.

He blamed the absence of good governance on the incessant political instability witnessed in the polity especially during the military regime.

Maku said the way to go was for citizens and leader to take responsibility for their actions as well as reappraise societal values.

He said everybody must be disciplined to respect rules adding that “the cutting corners syndrome is like Ebola virus” which does no good to anybody.
He added that serious people were needed in government to ensure things are done the right way.

Tanzania to prepare strategy to implement National Public Procurement Policy


SupplyManagement

28 June 2014 | Gurjit Degun

The government of Tanzania is to prepare a strategy for implementing the National Public Procurement Policy (NPPP), according to the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority (PPRA).

Finance minister Saada Mkuya said the department has prepared the NPPP “as one of the tools to monitor the public procurement system in the country”. It has worked with the PPRA to prepare the action plan.

In her budget speech earlier this month, Mkuya said over the next financial year, the government “will continue to administer the implementation of the Public Procurement Act No. 7 of 2011 that came into force in December 2013”.

She said the Act should address challenges experienced during the implementation of the Public Procurement Act of 2004. This includes “the overly long procurement process and the high prices of goods and services procured through the public procurement system as compared to the actual market prices”.

Mkuya also announced the government will use bulk purchasing to “control public expenditure and ensure value for money”. The process will see the government buying goods and services directly from suppliers instead of its current method of using agents.

“To begin with, all vehicles and ICT Equipment will be procured through bulk procurement,” she said. “Given the large volume of fuel used in vehicles and machinery, the government will install an electronic system that will be used in purchasing, storing and selling of fuel in order to ensure value for money in these transactions.”

World Bank debars Ghanaian firm over bribes


SupplyManagement

October 2, 2013 | Will Green

The World Bank has debarred a Ghanaian company for paying bribes in deals connected with a $17.6 million urban sanitation project in Liberia.

Waste management company Zoomlion Ghana will not be eligible for any contract financed by the World Bank for two years, after the firm acknowledged misconduct in the Emergency Monrovia Urban Sanitation Project.

According to the World Bank the company “paid bribes to facilitate contract execution and processing of invoices”.

The bank said the debarment was part of a “negotiated resolution agreement” that acknowledged the company’s “cooperation and disciplinary measures against staff involved in the misconduct”.

As part of the settlement the company will need to demonstrate “full and satisfactory compliance with the World Bank integrity standards”. The sanction came into force on 24 September.

Leonard McCarthy, integrity vice president at the World Bank, said: “This is a case where a company under a World Bank investigation is demonstrating responsibility for wrongdoing by enforcing disciplinary action and committing to a new standard of integrity governing its operations.

“Promoting this type of corporate responsibility while holding companies accountable for wrongdoing is one of the strategic pillars of the World Bank’s anti corruption strategy.”

The Liberian sanitation project, costing $17.6 million, is designed to assist the Monrovia City Corporation in providing waste services and increase the volume of collected waste from around 30 per cent daily to 45 per cent.

Kenya: Oswago Tells EACC of Bad Blood Between Staff, Supplier


AllAfrica.com

BY DOMINIC WABALA, 15 AUGUST 2013

The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) Chief Executive Officer James Oswago has revealed the “acrimonious” working relationship between the commission’s Director for ICT and representatives of the company that was awarded the tender to supply election equipment.

Oswago’s statement to the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission that is probing the pre-election procurement process at IEBC delves into the behind the scenes intrigues that surrounded the delayed procurement of the equipment, the change of specification for the kits and why they failed to perform as expected.

Oswago said this bad blood between the ICT director Dismas Ong’ondi and employees of Face Technologies (Facestec) caused a delay in the delivery of the kits which arrived a month before the election day.

“The director ICT raised most of the issues which had already been answered by Face Technologies. I may add that the relationship between Dismas and Face was sour/antagonistic for some reasons I never understood. The issues he was raising were relevant, but it was his duty to fully engage and provide a solution e.g. the CEO had to get personally engaged in the effort to get Face to deliver the EVID fully configured and load the final BVR Register per polling station at Kasarani, a function which would have been done by the Director himself and I later delegated that to be headed by Shollei/ICT managers,” Oswago said.

The CEO attributed the delay to request by the Directorate of ICT late changes of data without prior notification. “I stated that Face too are frustrated by poor response on critical issues from ICT Directorate and I had seen evidence of it as in the exchange of several emails between Dismas and Face Technologies in which Face lists clear instances of promises made but not fulfilled by ICT, late changes to the data on file without prior notification forcing Face team to redo some work afresh, areas where in correct data was sent to Face Technologies. Finally the Director ICT was never involved at all in the setting up of the EVID data processing centre at Kasarani Sports Complex,” Oswago says in his statement.

The CEO also blamed the failure of the Electronic Voter Identification Devices (EVIDs) during the March 4 2013 election on human error owing to inadequate training of poll clerks.

“The gadgets did not fail- human error resulting from insufficient training caused the problem. I can state that the EVID equipment hand held or laptop worked very well in all cases where charging issue was addressed. Indeed, in elections for CAW conducted in Kuria EAST AND Samburu, three week after the March 4th polls, the EVID worked perfectly well,” Oswago said.

The IEBC CEO said that the delivery of the kits was delay for over 30 days because a complaint had been lodged at the Public Procurement Oversight Authority (PPOA) challenging the award of the tender to Face Technologies while the ICT director constantly faulted any efforts by the South African company as they tried to deliver on time.

Oswago said that he delegated the EVID project to the IEBC Deputy Commissioner Secretary-Support Services Wilson Shollei and was not involved in some of the communication between Face Technology and IEBC.

The IEBC CEO told the investigators in his statement on June 28 2013 at 9:30am that on December 5 2012, he received a memo from Deputy Commission Secretary Support Services Wilson Shollei requesting him to authorize transfer of US $ 16,651,139 (Sh1.4 billion) to the Commission’s Kenya Commercial Bank account No. 1117602532 University way branch to complete the contractual obligation with Face Technology.

“I am aware that on December 05, 2012 the DCS-Support Services, Mr Wilson Shollei wrote a memo to me requesting for authority to transfer funds amounting USD 16,651,139.3 to the Commission account No. 1117602532 at KCB University Way. The Commission was in the process of entering a contract with Face Technologies to supply EVID and the contract required irrevocable letter of credit. Subsequently, I gave the approval on December 05, 2012 partly because I had earlier assigned Shollei responsibility to manage EVID procurement and implementation and partly because I had received verbal briefs from him that the vendor had specifically asked for an LC in the contract. This information was also included in the memo. I can see on the memo produced before me here today, Shollei gave instruction for voucher preparation to the Director manager Finance on 10th December and he has signed for the accounting officer. I am seeing this for the first time,” Oswago said in his statement.

He also denies being aware of the US$ 15 per kit for some rubber protection which is tax exempt yet the other items are taxable.

CORRUPTION WATCH:Procurement law must be simplified


Mar 31, 2013 | Corruption Watch

Is our government just really bad at procurement, or is there a deeper problem with the law that applies to tendering?

IT SEEMS that every other week there is a different scandal involving procurement. Most tenders seem to land up in court, with service providers squabbling over the spoils of government spending. Is our government just really bad at procurement, or is there a deeper problem with the law that applies to tendering? Perplexed

Dear Perplexed

We believe that it is a bit of both. While there is no denying that some of the bureaucrats responsible for procurement are corrupt (as are some of the private companies that bid for contracts), the law governing public procurement has become increasingly complicated.

In our view, procurement law has now become so complicated that it may be undermining service delivery. For example, many organs of state are unable to spend their budgets and infrastructure grants. The complexity of procurement law contributes to this problem by paralysing civil servants who become hyper-cautious in their desire to avoid infringing the law.

Part of the problem is that there are so many different levels of procurement law.

A well-intentioned and honest administrator will find that the following layers of law govern procurement:

Section 217 of the constitution expressly deals with government procurement. It provides that when an organ of state contracts for goods or services, it must do so “in accordance with a system which is fair, equitable, transparent, competitive and cost-effective”.

The award of a tender constitutes administrative action in terms of the constitution. As such, the award of tenders is subject to review under the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act.

Various pieces of legislation govern the budgeting process, internal controls and the requirement that people historically disadvantaged by unfair discrimination be favoured.

Each organ of state has its own supply chain management policy, which must be followed by its bureaucrats when engaging in procurement.

Any information held by an organ of state relating to the tender process is potentially affected by the Promotion of Access to Information Act, and may be the subject of requests for information by other affected parties.

The contract between the relevant organ of state and the service provider is governed by the common law of contract.

As a result, innumerable pitfalls await even the most well-intentioned administrator.

The competitive nature of tender processes and the enormous financial benefits to be gained from contracts for government procurement are a powerful incentive for unsuccessful parties to litigate, which they often do.

Their lawyers scrutinise every step in the process for compliance with the various laws and procedures, and pounce on every real or perceived irregularity. Very few administrative processes are entirely free from any misstep, and when one is found, litigation soon follows.

In addition, bureaucrats are required to account to government oversight bodies in respect of expenditure, including internal accounting officers and the Treasury. The procurement process may also be subjected to scrutiny by the auditor-general and the public protector.

Even where litigation by disgruntled parties fails, or investigations by other organs of state result in a clean bill of health, the effect of such litigation and investigation is to delay the provision of the service in question.

Procurement processes are often suspended while disputes are resolved, which can mean delays of years in service delivery.

We are therefore of the view that legal reforms to simplify and speed up procurement are justified. Any reform would have to ensure that accountability mechanisms remain in place, and that the law retains proper safeguards for detecting corruption and maladministration.

That would require careful balancing between swift, effective service provision and a functioning oversight mechanism.

* This article was first published in Sunday Times: Business Times

 

Botswana: PPADB boss calls for qualified procurement staff


Mmegi Online

By Nnasaretha Kgamanyane

The Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Board (PPADB) executive chairperson, Bridget John has urged government to hire qualified people to provide procurement services for good delivery to clients.

Speaking at the PPADB media brief at Gaborone Sun recently, John said that procurement job is not a minor task as it needs people who have been trained and have a good background in the job. She said that this will not only benefit the institution but will upgrade the quality of services government gives to Batswana. She added that PPADB is an institution that was primarily established to adjudicate and award tenders, register contractors wishing to do business with the government and provide advise on public procurement and asset disposal.

John said the organisation uses more than two people to independently evaluate tender proposals. She said that this avoids situations where two evaluators can influence each other on who to give the tender. It promotes transparency because after the evaluations, all the information is compiled and a recommendation is made which makes it easier to spot any signs of corruption.”The evaluation can clearly point to the company that must be awarded the tender but if the recommendation says something else, we then review the proposals to ensure that the right bidder gets the tender. When making such evaluations, PPADB spot-checks the projects,” she pointed out.She said that PPADB checks if companies they have given tenders before had performed well. This is meant to make sure those that performed badly will not be given tenders.

Analysis: New law fails to ease oil concerns in Uganda


IRIN NEWS

KAMPALA/NAIROBI, 13 December 2012 (IRIN) – Uganda’s parliament recently passed a law to govern the exploration, development and production of the country’s estimated three billion barrels of oil, a resource whose extraction will directly affect the livelihoods of tens of thousands of people.

While the law streamlines the burgeoning industry, analysts have raised concerns over transparency and over who controls the sector.

“The new law helps set clear guidelines under which the oil sector is to be run and managed, and makes clear who is in charge of what roles,” said Tony Otoa, director of Great Lakes Public Affairs (GLPA), a Uganda-based think tank focusing on oil and governance. “However, there are some concerns about transparency and too much power within the oil industry in the hands of the president.”

The bill was passed on 7 December after weeks of wrangling over its controversial Clause 9, which gives the energy minister wide-ranging powers, including authority over the granting and revoking of oil licenses, negotiating and endorsing petroleum agreements, and promoting and sustaining transparency in the petroleum sector. Many members of parliament (MPs) felt these powers should be held by an independent national oil authority.

“Essentially, the standoff, which has ended, was about the withdrawal of trust from a government that is battered by corruption scandals. Also the way the cabinet operates is that, in the past, the feeling has been that some key ministries, like finance, are effectively run by the presidency after being stuffed by yes-men or -women. The pushback against Clause 9 also comes as the Central Bank opened its vaults to a large withdrawal in 2010 [US$740 million to buy six fighter jets] only for approvals to be sought retrospectively,” said Angelo Izama, a Ugandan journalist and oil sector analyst.

“Loss of trust”

“This loss of trust is behind the resistance to greater control by the executive,” he added. “The executive has not been a bad shepherd of the process so far. Uganda’s negotiating position has been tougher with the oil companies, ironically, without the oversight of parliament. However, public scandals elsewhere have negatively affected the ability of the president to convince lawmakers – especially of his party – that he means well.”

A number of donors – including the UK and Ireland – recently suspended aid to Uganda following allegations of deep-rooted corruption in the Office of the Prime Minister. The prime minister, the former energy minister and the foreign affairs minister were all accused of taking kick-backs from oil companies in 2011, charges that remain unproven but that nevertheless damage the reputation of the government.

“The country lacks trust in the state… Institutions and officials have lost legitimacy, and for such an important bill to vest too much power into a political appointee is a recipe for disaster,” said Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda’s Makerere University Refugee Law Project.

“Granting and revoking licenses and negotiations are technical in nature. We need an independent commission or authority made up of people of good competence, technical ability and experience, and good morals to guard our oil,” said Frank Gashumba, a local businessman and social activist.

Proponents of Clause 9 say licensing powers are safer in the hands of the cabinet than under an oil authority. “The authority is open, easy to bribe and manipulate. Cabinet is bigger than the authority – members of the executive are answerable to Ugandans because they are elected leaders,” said Kenneth Omona, a ruling party MP.

Those opposed to it say they will challenge the law, which was passed with 149 votes in favour and 39 against; some 198 MPs did not turn up to vote.

“The fight is not complete; the passing of the bill is liable to be challenged in courts of law,” said Theodore Ssekikubo, ruling party MP and chair of the parliamentary forum on oil and gas. “If we fail to go to court, we shall subject the matter to a referendum for all Ugandans to pronounce themselves on this strategic resource. We want to ensure transparency and accountability in the oil sector.”

Transparency

There are also concerns about the law’s confidentiality clause, which limits the amount of information accessible by the public.

“The law is lacking transparency – it imposes confidentiality on officials working within the sector, even after they leave office, so there is no opportunity for whistle-blowing or for the public to have access to information on, say, production-sharing agreements,” GLPA’s Otoa said.

He noted that Uganda still hasn’t joined the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), an international scheme that attempts to set a global standard for transparency in oil, gas and mining, further compounding the sector’s lack of transparency. As a member of the EITI, Uganda and oil companies involved in the country would be required to publish all payments and revenues from the industry.

While Total and the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), two of Uganda’s major oil partners, are listed on Wall Street and are therefore subject to the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act – which requires disclosure of payments relating to the acquisition of licenses for exploration and production of oil, gas and minerals – the Irish firm Tullow Oil, another of Uganda’s main oil partners, is not under any similar obligations.

“I am worried we [legislators] and the public can’t access and scrutinize these agreements. You can imagine the recently negotiated and signed oil agreements have not been accessed by the public, not even by members of parliament,” Beatrice Anywar, former shadow energy minister, told IRIN.

The impact of the oil sector has so far been most acutely felt by communities around Lake Albert, thousands of whom have had to move – some willingly and some forcefully – to make room for an oil refinery, which is expected to take up 29sqkm and displace some 8,000 people.

Land issues

“The government is prosecuting the refinery resettlement by the book. However, managing public expectations and the process of multiple decision makers in Uganda’s complex land legal system [Uganda has multiple land systems, including customary, leasehold and freehold] has contributed some volatility to the process… What is adequate compensation? And who determines that? Is it the market or should this be done by the government?” said journalist Izama.

“As a partner to the oil companies, it’s questionable too if the government can make the best decisions for the affected people as it would look to keep project costs fairly low,” he continued. “It is still a dilemma which is jurisprudential as well as political.”

He noted that much of the oil is in game reserves and a sensitive basin with lakes, rivers and a rare biodiversity, and borders the Democratic Republic of Congo, which could also pose challenges for peaceful production; there has already been some tension between the two countries over their boundaries within Lake Albert.

“The process of consensus-building is still weak, and regardless of how it’s arrived at, displacements will create uncomfortable realities, including land and job pressure.”

According to Otoa, Uganda’s lack of a comprehensive land policy makes compensation issues more complex. “We need clear land policies to ensure people are properly compensated – there is a Resettlement Action Plan in place, but it has not been implemented, and a draft land policy has not been actualized, leaving these communities vulnerable,” he said.

He noted that the lack of education among the local population, both in the oil-rich areas and the rest of the country, had contributed to the continued problems in the sector.

“We have focused too much on educating MPs on the implications and importance of good oil governance. We need to move to people-centred approaches and encourage dialogue in the public sphere, which will lead to people demanding accountability from their MPs and the government,” he added.

Ultimately, Izama said, responsible actions by the government will be the difference between Uganda’s oil making a significant impact on the country’s economy or causing conflict and greater poverty.

“Pressure on public institutions prior to commercial oil production is an effective way of counteracting the resource curse. If this public engagement falters, if the transition [from President Museveni to his successor] is volatile, some of the scenarios of the so-called oil curse are possible,” he said. “Overall the tensions are high, but responsible actions by public and political institutions like the past debate show progress is possible.”

EU donors freeze aid to Uganda over corruption


Bloomberg News

KAMPALA, Uganda (AP) — More Western donors are freezing aid to Uganda after a scam in which up to $13 million in donor money was embezzled in the office of Uganda’s prime minister. The aid freeze is the kind of action long demanded by transparency campaigners who charge that the money oils a corrupt system.

Uganda has a reputation as a corrupt country, but the latest scandal — brought to light by the country’s auditor general in October — is remarkable for its details: More than $220,000 was spent on gas in four days, millions of dollars were diverted to buy luxury vehicles for top officials, and millions were deposited into individuals’ private accounts.

Because the money was for the rehabilitation of parts of northern Uganda devastated by decades of warlord Joseph Kony‘s brutal insurgency, the scandal has provoked a lasting rage around the country and inspired aid cuts that foreign donors had been reluctant to inflict on this East African country.

Roberto Ridolfi, the head of the European Union delegation to Uganda, said in a statement late Tuesday that the scandal and those before it amounted to “a breach of trust” on the part of Ugandan authorities. Sweden, Germany, Ireland, Britain and Denmark have already cut or cancelled all aid to Uganda over the scam, saying they have lost faith in the government’s capacity to spend money responsibly.

Western donors fund up to 25 percent of Uganda’s budget.

Ridolfi said the EU and its development partners in Uganda “will withhold pending budget support disbursements and any further commitments for an initial period of up to (six) months.”

The donors are giving Uganda until April to pay back all the lost money, investigate the scandal, and take action against all the suspects. But investigations of this nature, when they happen, rarely produce the intended results in Uganda, where corruption charges are often politicized and then dismissed. This year three ministers with close ties to President Yoweri Museveni who faced corruption charges were set free by a judge who said they were scapegoats. The three politicians swiftly returned to their jobs […]

Some campaigners who had long urged donors to act tougher against official waste and graft say the audacity of the latest scandal vindicates their calls for the dismantling of an often-comfortable relationship between the state and its donors. They want foreign aid to be channeled through non-state actors engaged in service delivery and for donors to work directly with contractors in cases where the authorities cannot be trusted with cash.

“For the first time the donors are coming out and putting clear benchmarks and I think it’s a good move,” said Cissy Kagaba of the Anti-Corruption Coalition of Uganda, a watchdog group. “But there are other alternatives they can use to ensure that the money reaches the intended beneficiaries.” Read the full article here.

Senegal’s reforms and red carpets


Africa Report

November 27, 2012

Senegal’s President Macky Sall has slashed government spending to finance new infrastructure projects.

Faced with an audit of Wade-era projects, the opposition says he is playing political games. Dakar has been rolling out the red carpet in recent weeks.

Elected in March on a reform ticket, President Macky Sall is in demand as an interlocutor – whether it is by the World Bank, the UN or France’s President François Hollande, who stopped in Dakar on 12 October en route to his more controversial landing in Kinshasa for the Francophonie summit.

This month, the Mo Ibrahim Foundation is holding its annual development conference in Dakar to salute Senegal’s political achievements.

Dakar’s National Assembly gave Hollande the chance to set out his Africa policy, which he insisted was non-interventionist and non-paternalistic.

Hollande seized the chance for a tête à tête with Sall, seeking his help for the regional effort to tackle the worsening in- security in Mali.

Senegal’s troops, alongside Ghana’s, are regarded as the most professional in the region.

But Sall has plenty of local problems to tackle – such as the perennial rainy-season flooding.

The government’s failure to invest in flood defences was one of the reasons for voters turning against former President Abdoulaye Wade.

In September, Macky Sall pushed through a bill to abolish the Senate, the second chamber in the National Assembly.

He promised that the 767bn CFA francs ($1.5bn) would be used to finance a 10-year plan for effective flood defences, storm drainage and sanitation.

Opponents to Sall’s plan accuse him of partisan plotting.

The Senate was dominated by members of Wade’s [I]Parti Démocratique Sénégalais[/I].

But Sall’s supporters insist the plan reflects the need to cut ballooning government overheads inherited from the Wade era.

The Sall government aims to cut the budget deficit from current levels of 7.4% of gross domestic product down to 4% by 2015.

So far, Sall has closed 59 moribund state institutions, banned first-class travel for civil servants and is selling a presidential jet.

To promote accountability, Sall has published details of all official salaries, declared his own assets and promised to cut salaries at state-run companies to below 5m CFA francs per month.

“Humility, sobriety and rigour should govern our politics,” Sall told The Africa Report’s sister magazine Jeune Afrique after his election.

“I assure you that there will be a profound break from the practices that were in force under my predecessor.”

The new government has quickly launched audits of government departments and projects for evidence of illicit disbursements.

This includes projects run by Wade’s son Karim, such as the 650bn CFA franc energy crisis programme, Plan Takkal.

Britain, France and the United States have pledged cooperation in tracking down stolen money.

Sall rejects claims of political vindictiveness: “The only thing that interests us is that the errors of the past don’t repeat themselves,” he said.

The courts will take cases identified by the audit.

His promise to cut the presidential term from seven to five years with immediate effect won local and international plaudits, as did his agreement with the African Union to set up a special tribunal for Chad’s ex-leader Hissène Habré, in exile in Senegal since 1990.

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